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Ukraine - E.U. Relations, 2005.
An analysis of the dynamics of relations between the European Union and the Ukraine since its independence.
5,554 words (approx. 22.2 pages), 36 sources, MLA, $ 135.95
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Abstract
This paper attempts to analyse the interaction between E.U. and Ukraine since its independence in 1992. The material is collected through review of literature, policy papers as well as personal interviews with policy makers and scholars in Ukraine and Europe. It argues that, given the constellation of factors, the sluggishness of cooperation process between the E.U. and Ukraine was partially justified by the realities of Kuchma regime and the E.U.'s agenda at that time. It also looks at how the election of Victor Yuschenko in December 2004 signifies a new era in mutual relations, which requires much more intensive cooperation on both sides.
Table of Contents
Abstract
Introduction
Common Norms, Values, Political and Socioeconomic Standards
The History of Interaction
Recent Developments
In Lieu of Conclusion
From the Paper
"Border's existence is rarely unchallenged. By the end of 1990s there appeared new lines of division on the continent between an almost united Europe and the rest. After the EU enlargement in May 2004 Europe's political boundaries still do not coincide with its geographic ones and Ukraine is very active in regaining its rightful place in Europe. According to Avery, 'the term "Europe" has not been officially defined. It combines geographical, historical and cultural elements, all of them constitutive of the European identity. The common experience of proximity, values and historical interaction cannot be gathered in a simple formula and should be revised by each new generation. Therefore, the Commission estimates that establishing the frontiers of the European Union, whose limits will be redefined in the next years, is neither possible nor opportune' (Avery, 1992: 11). Said in 1992, these arguments are still valid today."
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Operation Barbarossa, 2005.
This paper discusses Operation Barbarossa, Hitler's code name for Germany's attack on Russia during World War II.
1,410 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Operation Barbarossa was largely the brainchild of Hitler himself; his general staff advised against fighting a war on two fronts, but Hitler, considering himself a political and military genius, did not fear fighting Britain, possibly America, and now Russia, all at the same time. The author points out that, to make it more palatable to both the German population and the rest of the world, Nazi leaders painted Operation Barbarossa as a defensive attack by stating that the Red Army was preparing to attack Germany, thus Germany needed to strike first before the Russians were fully prepared. The paper concludes that the operation failed miserably because of Germany's logistical problems, an underestimation of the Soviet Army's abilities, and the onset of the harsh Russian winter.
From the Paper
"Before initiating Operation Barbarossa, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union were diplomatically on friendly terms, having signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact a short time before the German and Soviet invasion of Poland. While appearing on the surface to be a simple treaty of non-aggression, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact also contained secret protocols for the dividing up of the border-states between the two nations. The pact surprised the world because of Germany and the USSR's opposing ideologies and mutual hostility. But Hitler had long wanted to conquer western Russia to fulfill his goal of eastern expansion. So the pact was simply one of short-term convenience, which the Nazis thought little of breaking."
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Russia's One Party Power since Communism, 2005.
Examining the reasons for one party being in power in Russia for several terms, despite the economic depression that has existed since the fall of Communism and the installment of democracy.
2,119 words (approx. 8.5 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 66.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the factors that have contributed to the election of the same political party in Russia since the fall of Communism. Russia has been in an economic depression since the fall of the Soviet Union, yet the same party is re-elected through democratic vote. The reasons for this puzzling outcome are discussed in this paper and identified as using democracy to purge the conservative communists of their rank, old elites regaining state control and loyalty of those counting the votes. Each factor is discussed in great detail along with its contribution and impact on the electoral outcome. This paper is ideal for anyone, from a Russian politics expert to a curious novice.
From the Paper
"Mikhail Gorbachev, along with the Soviet leaders was the first to introduce semi competitive elections into the USSR and then later Russia. Although elections are a focal point of a democracy, they were not initiated by Gorbachev for this use. "The goal of these elections was to purge the conservative ranks of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) from their positions of power within state structures as a way to liberate these state institutions and thereby make them available as instruments by executing Gorbachev's economic reforms" (McFaul and Petrov, 24). The existing powers of the Soviet Union at the time of the introduction of democracy were all communists, who held high political ranks. In order for Gorbachev to implement his reformation of the economy, these political figures needed to be removed from their ranks, otherwise there would be great opposition to the changes planned. When these leaders were removed, the state organizations were free from communist control and could be used in any way that Gorbachev desired."
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Russia and the Great Power Conflict, 2005.
Examines the possibility of war between Russia and the Western powers in the coming future.
4,664 words (approx. 18.7 pages), 35 sources, APA, $ 120.95
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Abstract
As the dragon awakens, the bear, it appears, hibernates. Recently, the flowering of the Red Chinese economy has turned the eyes of Western security wonks eastward. Disquieted by the possibility of a military force built on years of stunning growth rates, American policymakers have sounded increasing alarms about the regional territorial intentions of this new potential hegemony. Whether due to post-Soviet optimism, hyper-power arrogance, or simply inability to hold too many thoughts simultaneously, this paper shows that analysts have drifted away from concerns about Russia as a credible enemy. The paper argues that, despite the obvious decline in Russian military and economic power, it may remain a potential opponent to the West in coming years. In an attempt to understand this possibility, the paper frames Russia today, politically, economically, and militarily, in relation to a variety of contemporary theories on the causes of war. Employing these theories, the paper judges the factors that would seem to make Russia more or less prone to belligerence. Beyond a simple discussion of various hypotheses, the paper sketches some possible scenarios of conflict in the foreseeable future.
From the Paper
"So how does Russia fit into this equation? It is, at least nominally, in a transition from Communism to democracy. Reality though, as Churchill suggested, is opaque. Putin's state is far from liberal, but has maintained many inherent structural characteristics of a democracy. No serious party leader has articulated any political alternative to democracy, and democratic norms remain pervasive in society at large. The most commonly applied term for the Russian case is "managed democracy." What is worrying is that managed democracy is essentially a bargain. In exchange for promises of economic growth and stability, the masses surrender their rights to question the primacy of the regime."
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Lithuania, 2005.
This paper discusses the geography and political history of Lithuania, which changed from being a part of the Soviet Union to being a member of the European Union and NATO.
2,015 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, because of its geographical position between East and West, Lithuania has been destroyed many times by being caught between the Swedes, the French, and the Germans on the one side, and the Russians on the other side. The author points out that, in the 1990s, Lithuania went through a dynamic transition from a centralized economy into a market-driven economy. The goal was to orient the economy towards trade with Western Europe and North America. The paper relates that, in relations with Western Europe and the United States, Lithuania has two main objectives: economic cooperation and attracting Western capital and security guarantees against any threat from Russia.
Table of Contents
Geopolitical Position
General Statistics
Political Culture
Political System
Domestic Policy
Economy
Foreign Relations
From the Paper
"Lithuania is an independent republic. It is a multi-party, parliamentary democracy. The president, who is the head of the state, is elected directly for 5 years. He is also commander in chief overseeing foreign and security policy. The president nominates the prime minister and his cabinet and a number of other top civil servants. The Lithuanian parliament (Seimas) has 141 members that are elected for a 4-year term. 71 of the members are elected in single constituencies, and the other half (70) are elected in the nationwide vote by party lists. To be represented in the Seimas a party must receive at least 5% of the national vote."
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Human Rights Violations, 2005.
Examines and compares human rights violations towards Jews in Nazi Germany and the population of Chechnya.
5,900 words (approx. 23.6 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 140.95
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Abstract
Two great examples of far-reaching human rights violations that have been studied extensively are the treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany, as well as the violations in Chechnya. These two major human rights violations have been viewed quite often throughout the international community. There have been many hours of investigation put into finding and understanding the origins, dimensions, and outcomes of both of these ruthless acts of violence. By comparing the two, this paper provides insight into how these violations first began and all the dimensions associated with the two. It also provides insight into how the human rights movement began and how it has looked to solve these problems.
From the Paper
"The combat between federal forces and Chechen rebels has for the most part ceased over the last few years yet the disappearances, torture, and summary execution of detainees continue. The type of fighting has changed from the classical war and has turned into a "dirty war, where human rights violations and not the conquest or defense of territory are the main goals" (Denber). Criminal investigations into disappearances have been very ineffective and poorly enforced and innocent people continue being severely tortured and killed, and the perpetrators easily get away with it."
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The Cold War, 2004.
This paper argues that the Cold War was the inevitable consequence of the global shift in power, which led to the confrontation between Soviet and American economic interests.
1,645 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the basis for the Cold War began even before World War II; after the war, the balance of power shifted from the crippled countries of Britain, France, and Germany, the United States and Russia emerged as the greatest powers, who were already economic and political opponents. The author points out that the two powers had little reason to cooperate; America viewed Russia as ungrateful for American military and economic aid and had a history of unfriendliness to Russia dating back to its support of attempts to overthrow the new Bolshevik regime earlier that century. The Soviet Union was very insular and concentrated upon Soviet security. The paper relates that, in addition to their economic tensions, the United States and the Soviet Union had irreconcilable ideologies, which pushed them towards war; America believed in the idealistic universalism that American values of liberty and constitutionalism have worldwide applicability.
From the Paper
"I do not agree with Joseph Siracusa's claim that "the character of the Cold War was essentially ideological and political"; I believe it was economically motivated. "The question of foreign economic policy was not the containment of Communism, but rather more directly the extension and expansion on American capitalism according to its new economic power and needs." At the end of the war, in the West, the United States provided economic aid of almost 40 billion dollars between 1944 and 1952...and led a military alliance (NATO), liberal democracy was generally fostered, and capitalist measures were used to achieve growth."
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The Film, "Mother?, 2004.
This paper discusses the Russian film, ?Mother?, released in 1926, directed by Vesvolod Pudovkin, and based on a book by Maxim Gorki, written twenty years earlier.
2,090 words (approx. 8.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 65.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the film, "Mother?, depicts a tough era in the working communist culture of Russia when the rich get richer and the poor get poorer and attempt to drink away their sorrows. The author points out that this film showed that the people were hard-working and made do with what they had. The paper reveals that, in the film, the family did make the ultimate sacrifice, but the viewer gets the impression that it was worthwhile because future generations could live more freely and more equally with the owners and government officials.
From the Paper
"At the bar, the father approaches the bartender and shows him the household iron. He wants to trade this for a glass of vodka. The bartender refuses, and the father is seen raising the iron as if he is going to hit the bartender with it. Meanwhile, there are numerous scenes of the local town people that notice what is going on. A table full of men, obviously planning something sees that the father is a strong man, and entice him not to hit the bartender, rather to come help them with their plans. In the next few scenes, we learn that the next day there will be a major strike. It seems that half of the workers agree with the strike, and half would rather do without it. The father is bribed, with countless drinks of vodka into joining the group of men that are going to keep the strikers from striking."
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Russian Culture in the New Era, 2002.
Describes the ideas of four of Russia's prominent thinkers around the time of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution: Blok; Lunacharsky; Gershenzon; and Ivanov.
2,100 words (approx. 8.4 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 65.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the works of four Russian thinkers and shows how their ideas helped to shape the emerging culture and its art. The works examined are "The Intelligentsia and the Revolution" by Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Blok, "The Collapse of Humanism" also by Blok, "Theses of the Art Section of Narkompros and the Central Committee of the Union of Art Workers Concerning Basic Policy in the Field of Art" by Lunacharsky, "Revolution and Art" also by Lunacharsky, and "Correspondence Across A Room" by Vsevolod Ivanov and Mikhail Osipovich Gershenzon.
From the Paper
"In what is perhaps a more in-depth look at the changing values of the revolutionary culture, Ivanov and Gershenzon exchange a series of letters on the subject in Correspondence Across A Room, which is a compilation of their exchanges. Unlike Blok and Lunacharsky, these thinkers are less interested in designating the roles of various groups in the new culture, although they explore similar terrain. Each argues for a sort of "cultural renewal", in the sense that they argue for the continued vitality of the culture, but, excepting Lunacharsky, each of the aforementioned thinkers argues for this. What distinguishes Gershenzon's thinking, however, is that he makes a specific argument for cultural renewal, whereas Ivanov sees the continued vitality of the culture as being "preserved" through cultural memory."
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European International Trade Environment, 2005.
Paper discusses the European trade environment as a result of the expanded European Union.
1,493 words (approx. 6.0 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 49.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the impact of the European Union on the trade practices and commerce of the member nations. The paper compares the hurdles facing new members and then looks at the impact that entering into this organization has on a country.
From the Paper
"With the onset of the new millennium there is a new greater focus on creating synergies amongst nations that used to be operating in a self-sufficient manner. These countries are facing the facts that in order to continue to create value and wealth, they must explore revenue streams outside their borders. In doing this, they are looking to distant countries that can create environments for growth possibilities. These countries represent areas that need products and services in which the suppliers are abundant. This allows each country to have a greater degree of specialization than ever thought."
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Slobodan Milosevic"s War Crimes Trial, 2004.
A look at Slobodan Milosevic's trial at the Hague and how this trial will change the way the world views and undertakes trials of war criminals.
4,304 words (approx. 17.2 pages), 39 sources, MLA, $ 113.95
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Abstract
The first former head-of-state to be tried for war crimes, Slobodan Milosevic, was a powerful leader in Yugoslavia. He is currently being tried at the Hague as a war criminal. This paper questions how war crimes trials worked in the past and how they will work in the future. The writer points out that by looking at the Milosevic case gives insight into the future of war crimes trials.
I. Introduction
II. Review of the Literature: Questions Surrounding War Crimes Trials
III. The Case of Slobodan Milosevic
IV. Revisiting the War Crimes Trials Questions
V. Implications for the Future
VI. Conclusion
VII. Bibliography
From the Paper
"With the current trial of Slobodan Milosevic taking place at the Hague, war crimes trials have gained renewed interest. War crimes trials of the past look much different than those of today and likely those of the future. Looking at the Milosevic case, predictions can be made regarding the future of war crimes trials and how former heads of state may be tried. As the first former head of state to be tried for war crimes before an international tribunal, Milosevic?s actions and the outcome of the case will set a precedent for all future war crimes trials."
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The Kosovo Conflict, 2004.
Examines the Kosovo conflict and how the United States is and has been involved.
6,860 words (approx. 27.4 pages), 24 sources, MLA, $ 155.95
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Abstract
This essay concentrates on the U.S. involvement in the Kosovo crisis, especially in the aftermath. The focus lies in the new elections, the position of Congress and the President, and the situation between the U.S. and the European Union and NATO in this matter.
1. Introduction
2. Brief Summary of Events
3. Current Developments
4. Momentary Situation in Kosovo
a. Local Elections
b. Problems overshadowing the Elections
5. The Issue of Kosovo's Final Status
6. The International Administrations
a. UNMIK
b. KFOR
7. Institution-building
8. The Economy
9. The Policy of the United States
a. The Administration
b. The United States Congress
10. Conclusion
Works Cited
From the Paper
"The Kosovo Conflict has been an issue for the International Community for more than five years. The European Union, the United Nations and the United States have worked hard together to end the conflict, manage the aftermath and establish a new functioning and democratic government with a stable infrastructure. This has been a very difficult task, since the United States felt that Europe did not put enough effort into the reconstruction of Kosovo and 'wrong calls' have been made . This research paper will not deal with the issue of equal distribution of efforts between Europe and the United States, rather will it examine the developments since the end of the conflict and the United States involvement. The main question here is whether Kosovo should become an independent country or have some form of autonomy within Serbia. Further will be examined, if the efforts are successful and whether or not the United States should pursue these efforts. This will occur through an evaluation of the current development and the momentary situation in Kosovo, such as elections and the establishment of government branches. Also, a look will be taken at KFOR and UNMIK operations and their susses on the infrastructure and the economy. Last, but not least, will the policy of the United States be examined, more precisely of the Administrations and Congress. This examination of events will demonstrate the involvement of the United States and its effects. 2. Brief Summary of Events The Kosovo Conflict shocked the whole word. Pictures of violence, genocide and ethnic atrocities circled the globe. Between the years 1998 and 1999, the United States and its NATO allies attempted to put an end to escalating violence between ethnic Albanians guerrillas and Yugoslav / Serb forces in Yugoslavia's Kosovo Region. This resulted in a 78-day NATO bombing campaign against Serbia from March to June of 1999. Nevertheless with success, Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic withdrew his forces from the province in June of 1999. Since that time, the Kosovo has been governed by a U.N. Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), under the terms of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 . A NATO-lead peacekeeping force, KFOR, is charged with providing a secure environment. The purpose of the U.N. resolution is to consider Kosovo's final status at an undetermined time after an autonomous government is in place. It seems that almost all ethnic Albanians want independence for Kosovo; nevertheless, the Serb community want it to remain within Serbia. In late 2003, the international community agreed to review progress in Kosovo and consider next steps in determining Kosovo's future status by mid 2005. In May of 2001, UNMIK issued a 'Constitutional Framework' for Kosovo. This framework provides for an elected legislature and an autonomous government with limited powers, but does not deal with Kosovo's final status. Elections for the Kosovo assembly were held on November 17, 2001. About half of eligible Serb voters participated in the election, after being urged to do so by the Yugoslav and Serbian governments. Political wrangling delayed the formation of a government for months, but one was finally approved by the parliament in March 2002. It consists of members of the three leading ethnic Albanian parties, as well as a Serb minister and one from the Serb minority. In 2003, UNMIK completed the process of transferring designated powers to the Kosovo provisional government. The current Bush Administration stated that they support autonomy for Kosovo within Serbia or the Serb-Montenegro union, but do not think independence is a good idea. President Bush has stated that, while the United States is looking to reduce its forces in the Balkans, the United States would only do so in conjunction with its NATO allies. After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, Administration officials said that U.S. forces in the Balkans could be withdrawn if they were needed for the war on terrorism. The war in Iraq has also stretched the U.S. military's deployment capabilities. The United States has not unilaterally withdrawn its troops, but cuts in KFOR troops strength in the past year have halved U.S. troops levels from about 5,500 to about 2,000 today. In 1999, The United States Congress neither explicitly approved not blocked U.S. participation in NATO air strikes against Serbia, but appropriated funds for the air campaign and the U.S. peacekeeping deployment in Kosovo. In 2000, several Members unsuccessfully attempted to condition the U.S: military deployment in Kosovo on congressional approval and on the implementation of aid pledges made by European countries. Since 1999, Congress has provided funding for reconstruction in Kosovo, but limited U.S. aid to 15% of the total amount pledged by all countries. In 2003 several resolutions were introduced that supported independence for Kosovo."
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