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International Ethnic Conflict, 2002.
This paper discusses that the United States and the international community should refrain from intervention into ethnic conflicts within sovereign nations except in the cases of extreme violence.
1,275 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 4 sources, APA, $ 43.95
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Abstract
This paper defines international ethnic conflicts as disputes between communities within a sovereign nation that see themselves as having distinct rights over the power relationship between these communities, such as in Bosnia. The author believes that such ethnic conflicts should be monitored to identify a point at which it appears peace is deteriorating; and, at that time, substantial diplomatic effort should be expended to prevent further deterioration. The author concludes that only in cases of extreme violence should the United States and the international community rely on a military intervention to end the conflict.
From the Paper
"The ambivalence in the American public's reaction to the international community's recent military intervention in Bosnia reveals a general ambivalence toward the use of military force where no tangible strategic interests are at risk. However, Milosevic did offer a tangible target against which the military force could be directed. The international community was able therefore to generate support against a common, identifiable enemy. Unfortunately, as Richard Betts points out, intervention in a civil war usually becomes an issue only when the sides are closely enough matched that neither can defeat the other quickly. Thus, in many cases, the international community may be unable to identify an enemy against whom they can rally support or they may be forced to wait until the situation deteriorates until choosing the better side becomes only a matter of degree. Unfortunately, the latter can often be the case in ethnic conflicts."
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The United States Peacetime Army, 2002.
This paper assesses the policies providing for the use of United States armed forces in peacekeeping, peacemaking and humanitarian operations.
4,390 words (approx. 17.6 pages), 14 sources, $ 115.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the roles and missions of the United States armed forces in peacetime and presents examples of MOOTW operations in Bosnia. The author concludes that the national strategy for engagement and enlargement is flawed from a foreign policy perspective. The author believes that policies should be developed and implemented that restrict the use of United States armed forces to deployments in conjunction with their primary missions unless all other options have failed.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Background
Issues Analysis
United States National Security
The Role of International Organizations
Human Rights
Regional Stability
Unilateral Versus Coalition
Policy Evaluation
National Interests
Costs
Risks
Military Readiness
Public Support in the United States
Conclusions
Recommendations
From the Paper
"There is little doubt that the international political order is changing, and that in the late summer of 1999 it is significantly different from what it was in the fall of 1989. It remains difficult, however, to predict with any degree of accuracy who the major players in the developing multipolar or unipolar environment will and will not be, and which, if any, of these players will be first among equals. Although as the only current superpower, the United States frequently behaves as if it is the first among equals. In spite of the difficulties being experienced by the national government in Russia, a great leap of faith is required to assume that a major international political role will be denied to a country with an armed force as formidable as Russia's army. While morale is low within the Russian military establishment and funding is short, it remains a force that cannot be ignored."
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A Study of Chechnya, 2002.
This paper traces the causes and effects of Chechnya's war of independence.
1,302 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 43.95
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Abstract
The writer argues that Chechnya is just one example of the fact that the old Soviet Union was never truly unified and instead kept the various provinces in line through sheer force. The paper looks at the history of the fall of the Soviet Union and the opportunity this gave the tiny Chechnya to fight for independence. The paper then gives details of the war and the ways in which the Chechyns have found success.
From the Paper
"Chechnya is about the size of Connecticut, with a population of 1.3 million people, making up less than one percent of the population of the Russian Federation from which it set out to secede. The war that stated there was seen from the firs as having the chance to deal a blow to the endangered and incipient democratic reforms in Russia (Church 116). Indeed, the debacle in Chechnya did cause a shift in the way other republics viewed Russia. In 1996 and 1997, most of the 89 regional governments in the Russian Federation held elections for governors. In the past, these positions had been filled by people appointed by Moscow, and a governor who disobeyed could be replaced by someone more obedient. Now, many of the regions elected governors who were independent-minded, and less than half of Moscow's hand-picked candidates won the 1996 elections. These new governors no longer fear Russia's military power precisely because Chechnya's small guerrilla army handed Russia such a humiliating defeat. This now means that he only power Moscow has left is that it controls the purse strings. This is problematic as well given that Russia's national treasury is nearly empty and that Moscow has been forced to cut its flow of money to the regions, further weakening the central government's control over the regions ("Russia--Republics")."
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Ethnic Division in Yugoslavia, 2002.
Examining diverse ethnic groups living in Yugoslavia and how this seems to be the cause of the country's history of war.
1,014 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 35.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the history of the ethnic diversity of Yugoslavia and the way that these cultural and ethnic divisions were the cause of the war with Bosnia. It examines the issue of nationalism and how this term has been used by all the nations within Yugoslavia's borders in an attempt to rule or expel other ethnic groups.
From the Paper
"Yugoslavia was a nation under the Soviet sphere of influence, yet it was largely an artificial nation made up of entities that did not get along and that tried to divide up the region once the threat of Soviet force was removed. The current ethnic conflict in what was formerly Yugoslavia has roots that extend far back into history. The ethnic groups in the region have long been divided by cultural differences, religion, and language. Efforts to unify the region failed until after World War I, when the impetus to come together increased for economic and security reasons. Yet, the state that emerged was always tenuous because the union did not satisfy the needs of all the groups equally. The former Yugoslavia is perhaps the most unstable of all the former Soviet satellite states, and even though the direct attack on Kosovo was stopped by U.N. forces last spring, stability is unlikely in the foreseeable future."
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Europe's Emerging Banks and the U.S. Banking History, 2002.
This paper analyzes the banking industry in the United States from the mid-18th through mid-19th century in order to understand the evolution of the banking industry in Europe's developing economies in the 20th century.
2,480 words (approx. 9.9 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 75.95
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Abstract
This paper presents four potential dangers to banks in emerging markets and relates them to the lessons of the founding banking system of the United States: Macroeconomic volatility, connected lending, political involvement and financial liberalization. This paper discusses that the emerging banking industries in Eastern Europe must learn to operate in an objective environment free from burdensome and often disastrous government control; just as, the ever-present tension in the United States between government policy and banking policy ensured the banking industry's objectivity. This paper argues that the primary cause of the banking crisis in Eastern Europe was the banks' decision to allow financiers with little experience and even less capital to set up their own banks.
Table of Contents
Introduction
European Economies and the Evolution of the U.S. Banking Industry
Macroeconomic Volatility
Connected Lending
Government Involvement
Financial Liberalization
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The insistence by the American chief executive in the mid 18th to mid 19th century to keep separate government policy from banking policy has not been demonstrated in the communist economies of Eastern Europe. The second major crisis factor for these economies has been connected (or insider) lending, particularly in Russia. Though not unheard of in rich countries, connected lending is a more serious problem in emerging countries, where supervisors are less rigorous about rooting it out. The Economist maintains that connected lending has recently caused serious problems where unscrupulous businessmen have found it easy to set up banks simply to finance their other companies' pet projects. Thus, at many Russian banks, the personal ambitions of owners and managers still come before the prudent assessment of lending risks. Loans to related companies are rarely made on an arm's length basis and tend to be granted at below-market rates, with scant credit vetting."
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Germany Today, 2002.
Discusses the situation in Germany since the reunification in 1990.
3,714 words (approx. 14.9 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 102.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the social, political, and economic issues that have affected Germany since the 1990 reunification. It looks at the hardships that face the government in trying to bring together the decrepit society of East Germany with the modern industrial economy of West Germany. The writer addresses issues such as unemployment, increased far-right activity, the European Union, internal political problems and the country's stance on abortion.
From the Paper
"The initial excitement led to unrealistic expectations, both in the west and the east. For East Germans, unification meant they would have the same political freedom and standard of living found in West Germany. The government of a unified Germany could give the former without great difficulty. As for the latter, West Germany deluded itself into believing that it could raise East Germany?s standard of living with the same ease (Edinger & Nacos, 1998, pp. 16-17).
Thus, during the spring of 1990, many politicians and planners in West Germany focused on the deprivation faced by East German consumers. Western policymakers assumed that an infusion of cash into the former East Germany would pump up consumer spending and jump-start that region?s economy. They also assumed that greater buying power would stem the flow of refugees and entice many to return to East Germany. Hundreds of thousands had fled East Germany before the fall of the Berlin Wall, precipitating the crisis that brought down the East German government (Maier, 1997, pp. 230-233)."
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Soviet Espionage, 2002.
Examining how the history of Soviet espionage has created an extremely paranoid society, very fearful of conspiracy.
2,496 words (approx. 10.0 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 75.95
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Abstract
This paper deals with the essentially paranoid nature of Soviet espionage. It shows how the mentality of the Soviet state was paranoid and conspiratorial even before its inception. Therefore, the Soviet security and intelligence agency was necessarily paranoid and conspiratorial as well. The paranoia that consumed the Soviet leadership undoubtedly paved the way for the creation of the most successful intelligence gathering agency in modern history. This paper shows how the same paranoid mentality inevitably doomed the Soviet security and intelligence agency as an effective intelligence apparatus capable of providing accurate information about foreign operations.
From the Paper
"From Lenin and Stalin, to those who came afterwards, the domestic and foreign policy of the Soviet Union was based on a steady diet of unsubstantiated conspiracy theories and fanatical paranoia. Thus, it was these two qualities which became the bread and butter of Soviet espionage from its very inception. Throughout the paranoid existence of the Soviet Union, the Soviet security and intelligence agency was used to perform clandestine activities against real and imagined opposition, on a size and scale previously unprecedented in the world of espionage. The agency?s efforts were largely successful in recruiting spies and gathering valuable intelligence information, especially against the Western imperialist powers. However, the Soviet leadership was often so consumed by paranoia that they were unable correctly analyze much of the intelligence information; causing the security and intelligence agency to be largely ineffective, and eventually almost crippling the Soviet espionage apparatus altogether."
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Russian Democratic Crisis of the 20th Century, 1999.
This paper explores the idea of Russian democracy at the end of the 20th century. The writer discusses the history of democratic movement in Russia as well as the unique characteristics and problems modern Russia faced at the end of the century.
2,092 words (approx. 8.4 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 65.95
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Abstract
The paper attempts to explain why the idea of democracy was new to the Russian people and the implications this had on its attempts at reform. The writer shows that at the end of the twentieth century, there were several reasons why Russia was approaching its second democratic crisis: Yeltsin's presidency, economic failure, military upheaval and organized crime.
From the Paper
"For the past seventy years Russia was the heart of the Soviet Union. The fall of the ?Evil Empire? in 1991 shocked the world. Many democratic nations were happy to see its enemy turning into a new democratic country based on capitalistic economy and Western ideologies. But not that many people asked if Democracy would work in Russia. In the long run, Russia had a democratic experience in 1917, for half a year and it failed (Daniels, 1972). Will the history repeat itself or will Russia eventually become democratic? It is still hard to tell. Our democratic experience from February to October 1917 and today?s situation are very similar. As in 1917, modern Russia experiences political, economic, and cultural crisis."
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The Russian Economy, 2002.
Discusses Russia's transition to a western-style Capitalist country after 1991.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 5 sources, $ 39.95
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Abstract
Discusses Russia's transition to a western-style Capitalist country after 1991. Russian socialist system development of a market economy built on legal (collective farm markets) and illegal (underground) market economy. Population statistics. Economic data. GDP. Investing in Russia. Foreign trade. Russian budget deficits. Labor force. Exports/Imports. External debt.
From the Paper
"Since the time of the failed coup attempt in 1991, the Russian economy has been in a transition to a Western-style capitalist country. This only partially identifies the goal, since there are several different types of Western capitalist country. Each of the Western models is sufficiently similar, though, that the path taken by the Russian socialist system will be clearly in a new direction (Leitzel, 1995, 1).
Russia developed a market economy and has included capitalist-style behavior for as much as 25 percent of all economic activity in the pre-reform USSR, some of which was even legal. The legal portion was dominated by collective farm markets. Prices at these markets were more or less unregulated. In addition, some 100,000 Soviet citizens engaged legally in small-scale crafts and trades. The rest of the Soviet market ..."
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Dayton Peace Accords (DPA), 2002.
Discusses the 1995 DPA that ended the Civil War in Bosnia.
1,575 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 6 sources, $ 55.95
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Abstract
Discusses the 1995 DPA that ended the Civil War in Bosnia. Division of Bosnia into the Serb Republic and the Federation (Muslim-Croat). DPA successful in peace keeping but ineffective in consensus building. High ethnic animosity. Issue of war crimes. Factors that act against reunification of Bosnia.
From the Paper
"The principal achievement of the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords (DPA) was the cessation of the civil war in Bosnia. The peace has been maintained for nearly six years, but this is only because of the presence of large numbers of U.S. and coalition troops. Some DPA objectives have barely begun to be accomplished. The return of minority refugees to various parts of the country, for instance, has been extremely slow and has met with resistance from potential returnees and those who drove them out in the first place. Ethnic animosity has remained extremely high according to most reports and this is mirrored in the perpetual instability of the central government of the Republic now known as Bosnia-Herzegovina. Despite the successful maintenance of peace the Dayton Accords offer very little in the way of a viable framework for reuniting Bosnia into an ..."
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Development of Russia, 2002.
An examination of the era of the 1990s as a complicated transitional period from Communism to political democracy.
1,575 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 7 sources, $ 55.95
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Abstract
Examines era of the 1990s as a complicated transitional period from Communism to political democracy. Problems of changing a unitary state into a federalist democracy; inability to collect taxes, economic stagnantion. The influence of the Russian Mafia. Examines growth of organized crime and its control of business companies. Democracy as an outside force.
From the Paper
From Communism to Political Democracy. The Russian Experience
Introduction:
The entire development of Russia starting in 1990 until today has been a complicated transitional period: the transformation of a unitary state into a federalist democracy.
Democracy has been hurt by many of Boris Yeltsin's economic reforms. His attempt to move from public to private ownership was fraught with problems. During the last five years of Yeltsin's presidency, domestic production dropped 41 percent and unemployment rose 7 percent. Rampant inflation..which caused prices to rise as much as 2,500 percent..has at times made food and other necessities unaffordable. Statistics show that 20 percent of Russians are now living under the official poverty level. Some Russians wish for the days of Communism where at..."
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The Media and Human Rights Violations in the Balkans, 2002.
A focuses on "The New York Times" coverage of genocide in the Balkan regions and Slobodan Milosevic.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 15 sources, $ 79.95
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Abstract
Focuses on THE NEW YORK TIMES coverage of genocide in the Balkan regions & Slobodan Milosevic. TIMES articles on human rights violations, murders and the evenutal trials. Analysis of TIMES stories on capture & detention of Milosevic. Serbia and American aid. Coverage of the war crimes trials. Overall lack of interest of American public.
From the Paper
"Milosevic, Human Rights and the New York Times
For some generations now, American diplomacy has attempted to focus on human rights. Now, there is a dearth of outstanding American diplomats and a public which has other interests on their mind. For example, while much of the European press spends column after column on the Balkans, and now the genocide trials in The Hague, as far as the American press is concerned, he current problems of human rights, in Kosovo, Serbia, Croatia and now at the International Court at the Hague, are limited to a few sound bites, and some human interest stories of horror, survivors, and the desire for revenge in that region. It is therefore up to the nation?s leading newspapers, like the New York TIMES, to provide more details and consistent coverage for the few who are truly interested and involved. In following some stories..."
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