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Is U.S. Foreign Policy Moral?, 2008.
This paper discusses whether considerations of morality have a substantial role in U.S. foreign policy strategy.
1,127 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 39.95
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Abstract
The paper looks at America's past foreign policy regarding the Soviet Union and Communism. The paper also discusses the war against terrorism today and reveals that the true incentive behind the war in Iraq may have been financial, although there were moral victories attained as a result. The paper concludes that while morality should certainly have a substantial role in U.S. foreign policy strategy, in recent years, the financial goals of the United States seem to outweigh the altruistic ones.
Outline:
Introduction
The Past and U.S. Foreign Policy
Foreign Policy and Communism
Morality, Foreign Policy, and Terrorism
Moral Victories May be the Outcome of Financial Gain
Conclusion
From the Paper
"United States foreign policy has always been about political relationships for financial gain combined with moral idealism (Fox 2000). Therefore, morality has played a substantial role in U.S. foreign policy strategy, and should continue to do so. Whether this "morality" is genuine is questionable, and lately the U.S. has appeared to many to be the equivalent of a greedy bully, seeking financial benefits with no care for assisting the impoverished, oppressed, and/or those who may benefit from a morality driven U.S. foreign policy. These U.S. foreign endeavors are done under the guise of morality, which often result in more harm than good for the citizens of nations that such U.S. foreign policy is choosing to target, which is immoral in its very nature."
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Realignment of United States versus Cuban Policy., 2008.
An examination of the foreign policy of the United States towards Cuba.
2,899 words (approx. 11.6 pages), 10 sources, APA, $ 85.95
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Abstract
The paper relates the background to Fidel Castro's rise to power and describes the present situation with respect to government policy and the resultant stagnant relationship with the United States. The paper criticizes the United States with lack of leadership in not changing its policy towards Cuba and quotes various proposals that have been suggested. The paper concludes that the time for change is now, as the present leader is aging and we have no idea what will be the policy of his successor.
Outline:
Current status and historical context
Short term policy changes
Long term policy changes
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Fidel Castro rose to power on the Island of Cuba in the early 1960's by means of a military coup, and following his trade agreements with the Soviet Union and nationalization of private industries he publicly embraced Marxist-Leninist affiliation in 1960, thrusting the island nation into the center of the Cold War . A forty year plus progression of increasing sanctions and restrictions via both Congressional and Executive actions ensued. In addition, Cuban expatriates have become a powerful voting block in the crucial Presidential state of Florida enticing additional hard-line policies towards the Cuban Communist regime. This complex commingling of foreign policy and domestic politics has created a muddled policy that is unique and inconsistent with United States policies concerning similar hostile governments."
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Kennedy, Johnson and the Cold War, 2008.
A comparison of John F. Kennedy's and Lyndon B. Johnson's presidencies.
1,308 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 44.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses the presidencies and administrations of John F. Kennedy (1960) and Lyndon B. Johnson (1964). The paper relates that both presidents were elected to back-to-back terms as president and both faced difficult foreign policy decisions that defined their presidencies. The paper looks at the different backgrounds, political strengths, style and image of the two men. The paper also discusses the goals shared by both Kennedy and Johnson and compares Johnson's presidency to that of President George W. Bush today.
From the Paper
"John F. Kennedy (1960) and Lyndon B. Johnson (1964) were the only two Twentieth Century Democrats to be elected to back-to-back terms as president since Franklin Roosevelt (1944) and Harry Truman (1948).
Both Truman and Johnson inherited cabinet members and policies from a popular predecessor who died in office. In both cases they followed popular presidents about whom citizens had strong feelings. Roosevelt after twelve years in office was like a father to many people, Kennedy, then the youngest man elected president, represented youth and change an image he worked very hard to cultivate (Hammond, pages 139-142). Today people running for president try to copy Kennedy's style and want to be compared to him - not so Lyndon Johnson."
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Bush, Iraq and Weapons of Mass Destruction, 2008.
Looks at the entrance of President Bush into the Iraq War based on the possible existence of weapons of mass destruction.
1,700 words (approx. 6.8 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 55.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that the allegation that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, which were never discovered, was a deliberate deception by the Bush administration to justify their aggression in terms of containing terrorism by maintaining the international balance of power. The paper further asserts that Bush ignored the truth that he heard from his advisers and deliberately misled the American people to make an excuse to go to war with Iraq. The paper contends that Bush wanted to secure America's position of dominance, power and access to oil resources in the Middle East and tricked the American people into thinking that going to war with Iraq was a way of waging war on terrorism.
From the Paper
"The primary thrust of Bush's argument for the invasion of Iraq was that Iraq was a serious threat to the rest of the world because it was building WMD. This is an interesting allegation, given that the only country that really has a large supply of WMD is the USA. However, it must be borne in mind that those countries who seek to justify owning WMD - such as the USA - seek to do so in terms of deterrence theory. The idea is that if rational countries such as the USA and Russia possess nuclear weapons, their mutual knowledge that the other country has WMD will deter either country from ever deploying the WMD."
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Loyalty Oaths, 2008.
A discussion on why loyalty oaths don't work with a focus on loyalty oaths in President Truman's America.
1,309 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how, when President Harry S. Truman instituted a loyalty program in March of 1947, he did so because the U.S. was facing an insidious assault from Communist forces trying to infiltrate. It then examines several instances of oath-taking pursued by the U.S. Federal Government and by other institutions in the middle of the last century and outlines how each one did nothing to thwart unfriendly Communist activity. Next, the paper argues that, instead of wasting time and energy on a fatuous loyalty oath, public and private employers should have focused wholly upon improving security and clearance measures, should have educated the public on the dangers Communism presented to the American way of life, and should have reminded American citizens of what they needed to do to keep the country safe at the height of the Cold War.
From the Paper
"Understandably, loyalty oaths were frequently demanded of those who, in the late 1940s and early 1950s, were prospective recipients of the largesse of the American government or its various appendages. For instance, May of 1949 saw the Atomic Energy Commission pass a rule that all future holders of Commission fellowships were to provide an Oath of Loyalty and to fill out a non-Communist affidavit if they wished to receive the much-coveted prizes (Waggoner, 1; for another example of the ubiquitous Loyalty Oath in action, please see "Edison, CIO Agree on Loyalty Oath," 20). Although such a measure might seem like a good idea at first glance, the simple truth is that someone trying to secure one of the nation's most prestigious fellowships (this was certainly the case in 1949) is already tempted to tell Commission Board members whatever it is they want to hear - and they will undoubtedly sign most any document if doing so will gain them a competitive advantage over someone else."
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The 1950s: A Decade of Peace?, 2008.
This paper provides an outline of the 1950's political and social climate.
1,182 words (approx. 4.7 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 40.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how the political climate of the 1950s was shaped by the Cold War, the fear of Communism, economic changes seen in the rise of big business and the military-industrial complex and by the aftermath of the success of the U.S. in World War II. The paper looks at the Korean War that started the decade and the foundation for the Vietnam War that was set by the end of the decade. The paper also examines the social change and social turmoil, with the Civil Rights Movement's birth. The paper illustrates how this era was not one of absolute peace, although it is seen as peaceful when compared to the demonstrations and protests of the 1960s.
From the Paper
"A security crisis developed in the 1950s with the fear of communism and the certainty that subversives had infiltrated nearly every facet of American life. The McCarthy era, as it came to be known, was referred to by many as a witch-hunt. This was a political crisis that was used by Senator McCarthy as a way of elevating himself and boosting his career, but the mass hysteria of the time made it possible for him to do this and also caused others to be accomplices in accusing people of being subversives."
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The CIA in Vietnam, 2008.
An in-depth examination of the role of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the Vietnam War, 1956-1975.
3,017 words (approx. 12.1 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 88.95
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Abstract
The paper explains why the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)'s role in Vietnam has been difficult to assess completely. The paper first looks at the degree of commitment that the US government had developed in the political outcome of Vietnam. The paper then discusses the conflict over whether the military or the CIA should establish precedence over covert operations in Vietnam and describes what actually led to the eventual dominance of the CIA in Vietnam. The paper focuses on the many failures of the CIA's covert operations and counter-insurgency effort and contends that the war was already lost when intelligence failures of the CIA failed to adequately prepare the US and its forces to function appropriately in the region.
From the Paper
"The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the United States (US) and its role in Vietnam during that country's involvement in Southeast Asia is a role that has been difficult to assess completely. Part of the difficulty is that the CIA's role is, of course, almost completely related to covert operations in the conflict which are, by nature, secretive and most often censored. Additionally, the role of the CIA in Vietnam was also often one that was competitive in nature with the role of the military's own covert operations with both bodies vying for dominance in the conflict. Yet, there is a long precedence of CIA involvement in Vietnam and it is one that generally established the US government itself in the region while the French colonial forces were still struggling for dominance."
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Adam Harmes and Global Government, 2008.
An analysis of Adam Harmes' dissertation, "The Return of the State: Protectors, Power-Brokers, and the New Global Compromise."
1,565 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 51.95
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Abstract
This paper analyzes Adam Harmes' text, "The Return of the State: Protectors, Power-Brokers, and the New Global Compromise". The paper explains that while Harmes' thesis is a thoughtful treatise on how the historical pendulum has swung back and forth between unrestrained capitalism and tight, welfare-state regulation, his work offers a solution to the ills of global capitalism that may ultimately prove more unlikely than practical. The paper looks at the likely reasons why both powerful and impoverished nations will find objections to global governance. The paper also points out that Harmes' book becomes a laudable exposition of the usually-antagonistic relationship between the state and the marketplace - and a good example of how something that sounds wonderful in theory may not work in the real world. The writer concludes that Harmes' text has many fine points, but it seems his over-eagerness to press his case causes him to forget that the world may not be as ready for the "international state" as he evidently is.
From the Paper
"Unfortunately for Harmes, there are complications that get in the way of the practical fulfillment of his political globalization. For one thing, Adam Harmes blithely assumes - or at least confidently assumes - that nations great and small will embrace the kind of political globalization of which he speaks. For one thing, all nation-states - whether America or a tiny, backwater country in Southeast Asia - have socio-cultural, anthropological and political forces that bind together their citizens and shape their world view; in short, people in France (to give just one example), because of a collective national historical narrative reaching back many centuries, tend to see themselves as "French" before they see themselves as anything else."
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Rwanda and the United Nations, 2008.
This paper explores the 1984 genocide in Rwanda and the role of the United Nations in this tragedy.
1,643 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 53.95
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Abstract
The paper examines the history of the ethnic conflicts in Rwanda and the outcome of the genocide. The paper determines that the United Nations (UN) facilitated the catastrophe and failed the suffering people of Rwanda. The paper also asserts that the UN may be closer to the brink of disaster than almost any of the conflict-torn states it has failed to help in the past. The paper includes a copy of the source material and an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper
"When the fighting broke out in April of 1994, most of the world was caught in the unhappy position of trying to figure out what could have triggered some monstrous acts. What it learned is that the history of Rwanda has long been, for all intents and purposes, a history of two people: the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority. For many generations, there has been a lingering enmity between the two parties that only needed one spark, however contrived, to burst into a conflagration. In early April of 1994, the murders of Rwandan president, Juvenal Habyarimana, and Burundian president, Cyprien Ntaryamira, proved that fateful spark (Michaels & Mutiso, 44). The question thus becomes, what was it precisely that turned the Hutu against their Tutsi co-citizens in such a dramatic and barbaric way? The answer, perhaps not surprisingly, is found by looking at Rwanda's colonial past."
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Canada-American Relations, 2008.
Looks at Canadian-American relations during the Cold War.
2,540 words (approx. 10.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 76.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that, most of the time, Canada was a loyal ally of the U.S. during the first three decades of the Cold War. The paper also argues, however that, in the period from 1968 to 1975, Canada deviated from America in substantial ways because of a more belligerent form of nationalism and because of the desire of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau to carve for himself a distinctive path in Canadian political history. The paper concludes that Canada may have failed to "tow the line" on occasion, but its record as an ally of Washington's is a strong one, especially during the late 1940s, 1950s and most of the 1960s.
From the Paper
"In the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, Canada's contribution to continental air security extended beyond simply being a welcome cushion for America in the event of an all-out war. Firstly, Canada erected, maintained and operated the Mid-Canada or McGill Radar Warning Line - an installation that paralleled the complex US Pine Tree System. The existence of the Mid-Canada Radar Warning Line says a couple things about Canada during this period: firstly, it says that Canada was willing to expend large sums of money on a defense project that would benefit America as well as the Dominion."
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The Cuban Missile Crisis, 2008.
An analysis of the events leading up to the Cuban Missile Crisis, the crisis itself and the way that President Kennedy handled the issue.
1,785 words (approx. 7.1 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 57.95
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Abstract
This paper analyzes the Cuban Missile Crisis and President Kennedy's handling of this confrontation with the Soviet Union. First, the paper briefly examines the global events and Cold War conditions that precipitated the missile crisis. The paper then discusses the tensions between Moscow and Washington and why they had increased throughout the decade of the 1950s after the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb, then its first hydrogen bomb and brutally invaded Hungary in 1956.
From the Paper
"In conclusion, President John F. Kennedy's ability to balance issues of national interest against the imminent threat of global nuclear war was the most important aspect of his leadership during the Cuban Missile Crisis in late October of 1962. Ironically, it was disagreement among Kennedy's advisors that ultimately produced a tough but measured response that compelled Khrushchev to remove Soviet missiles from Cuba and thus avoid an American invasion and likely escalation into nuclear war.
"By the narrowest of margins, World War III had been avoided. Despite the ill-considered decision of Premier Khrushchev to antagonize the United States by deploying nuclear missiles in Cuba certain to be discovered, and President Kennedy's ill-considered decision to authorize the Bay of Pigs invasion the preceding year, which antagonized Khrushchev into deploying those nuclear missiles to Cuba, both leaders managed to restrain their hawkish advisors and generals, and found a way to resolve the crisis through back-channel diplomacy and covert compromise."
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Human Rights, 2008.
Argues in favor of global human right protection.
2,415 words (approx. 9.7 pages), 8 sources, APA, $ 73.95
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Abstract
This paper stresses that human rights should be practiced and protected around the world because they are the inherent right of every human being. The author of the paper points out that it is much easier to proclaim human rights than it is to grant and preserve them and states that it is critically important to extend human rights to everyone because humanity can never truly consider itself civilized if human rights are being violated anywhere in the world. The author also examines human rights problems, such as totalitarian dictatorships, theocracies, the abortion debate, the death penalty and genocide.
From the Paper
"The history of human rights has been rather bleak, for throughout most of human history, war and conquest have been pervasive and the brute force of rulers has determined the structure of societies. Under such conditions, human rights have been irrelevant. The vanquished were enslaved and the lower classes in every society were at the mercy of the classes above them. It was only when the Enlightenment generated the development of democracy that human rights began to recognized and protected in developing democracies."
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