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A Critical Examination of the Food Stamp Program, 2008.
A discussion of the food stamp program and an analysis of cash versus in-kind transfers.
2,185 words (approx. 8.7 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 68.95
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Abstract
This paper takes a look at the food stamp program, one of the largest welfare programs in many developed (and increasingly developing countries). The paper points out that it is a rather expansive program, which has many proposed economic benefits for the society. Using the tools of consumer theory, the food stamp program is examined in relation to a cash incentive program. The paper then examines whether cash transfers, as opposed to food stamps, lead to consumers being on a higher or similar utility curve or preference set . The paper relates that this analysis is not only applicable to the food stamp program in the United States but can be applied to the plethora of real world programs adopting in-kind transfers. In conclusion, the paper maintains that cash transfers can provide an outcome that is clearly superior to in-kind transfers.
Outline:
Introduction
Modeling the Superiority of Cash Payments to In-Kind Transfers
Consumer Theory
Why are Governments Engaging In a Less Efficient Outcome: Should the Government Be Issuing Cash?
Understanding the Dominance of In-Kind Transfers: A Case Study of Fiscal Year 2008 United States Federal Budget
Appendix (includes graphs)
From the Paper
"Transfers like the food stamp shift the budget set upward, however, the food stamps place a kink in the budget set, since there is a threshold over which consumers cannot go. This is because food stamps can only buy certain classes of goods, and all other goods will not necessarily increase. On the other hand, cash transfers, will lead to a complete shift of the budget set, rather than, a kinked upward shift; so the budget constraint goes beyond I/PA in Figure 1. Clearly, with cash transfers, the consumer will always be on an indifferent curve that is higher or the same level as the in-kind transfers which is food stamps in this example; which implies that cash transfers are preferred to in-kind transfer when compared to the food stamp program."
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Giving Voice to the Oppressed of Society, 2008.
An analysis of the impact of poor social justice within a society, both to the individual and to the society as a whole.
1,616 words (approx. 6.5 pages), 8 sources, APA, $ 52.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews five reasons why dispossessed and oppressed individuals should have a voice in society. Specifically, the paper looks at the social costs that attend failing to pay attention to the needs of these individuals and at the poor public policy that flows from ignoring the dispossessed. Finally, the paper explores the ethical and moral issues that come with overlooking the less-fortunate and considers the impact upon the reputation of a society if it fails to offer social justice in its own land while hectoring others abroad about their human rights record.
From the Paper
"At the level of the individual, the costs associated with not heeding the voices of the down-trodden can be very grim, indeed. For one thing, people who struggle with their sense of self and who lack a strong sense of self-empowerment are people who are much more susceptible to thoughts of suicide (Martin, 2006). At the same time, people who feel as though they cannot change their lives for the better - in no small measure because no one seems to care what they think - are people who are very much likely to fall prey to mental illness - such as depression (Laitinen et al, 2006). Thus, there are compelling reasons why, at the level of the individual, people need to be given a sense that they are not viewed as ciphers by others and that their needs will be accepted as genuine."
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Dalton McGuinty, 2008.
A discussion of Dalton McGuinty, premier of Ontario, and his policy.
1,020 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 36.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the position that the premier of Ontario, Dalton McGuinty, holds in the political fabric of Ontario as well as within the national political structure. The paper points out that McGuinty has been premier since 2003 and is largely considered to be a moderate fiscal conservative, although he is a political liberal in most other respects. It holds that one of his top priorities upon becoming premier was to attract further international investment into the province as a way to spur economic growth. The paper also points out that another chief objective of McGuinty's leadership has been a balanced budget by 2009. Additionally, the paper notes that McGuinty's politically liberal positions include support of abortion rights for women and unequivocal support for same sex couples, which led to the passage of legislation in Ontario that ensured legal status for such couples. Lastly, the paper addresses the McGuinty administration's focus on the "MoveOntario" project, which targeted a $1.2 billion investment in provincial transportation infrastructure.
Outline:
Overview
Provincial Jurisdiction
Responsibilities Outcome
Municipal Amalgamation
From the Paper
"The concept of provincial jurisdiction in Ontario was considerably undermined by the Harris Tory government that preceded McGuinty's government. The Tory government began passing in the mid and late 1990s a series of laws which removed substantial powers of jurisdiction from the local municipalities and placed them largely within the jurisprudence of provincial control. Provincial jurisdiction over municipalities was first undermined by the Schedule M within the Savings and Restructuring Act in 1997 which gave the province's minister of municipal affairs the authority to designate a commissioner who could actually restructure municipalities if they could not agree to boundaries or other issues among themselves. This law removed the entire process of municipal compromise from the municipalities themselves and awarded it to the provincial authorities."
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Creating a New Trust, 2008.
This paper discusses creating a new trust between the Canadian police and Aboriginal women of Canada.
2,046 words (approx. 8.2 pages), 10 sources, MLA, $ 64.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses that Aboriginal women in Canada suffer a long-standing distrust of Canadian police that compromises their safety and citizenship. The writer notes that like all Canadians, First Nations women need police support to deter violence and injustice against them. If they cannot turn to the police, a fundamental democratic right that they are entitled to is not functioning properly. The writer points out that this problem has been written about by Aboriginal women's groups, Canadian policing organizations, and even Amnesty International. The writer maintains that the mainstream Canadian police continue to fail Aboriginal women because they lack the imagination necessary to conquer the problems that Aboriginal women face. Or, perhaps provincial police and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police have a good idea, but they lack the courage to employ it. The writer concludes that in either case, all Canadian citizens would benefit from new police initiatives that work for everyone.
From the Paper
"It is exceptionally difficult, even in mainstream Canadian society, for a woman to extricate herself from a situation of domestic abuse. This requires financial and legal support. It means walking away from someone she once loved, or may still love. It means turning your life upside down while working with the police to ensure her safety. This is critical: without police support, a woman is open to harassment and assaults from not just her former spouse, but from anyone."
"But what if she distrusts the police? What if the police are, in her view, just another brutal gang that may well take advantage of her? A woman in peril cannot be expected to choose the protection of an untrustworthy bunch of thugs over the thug she intends to extricate herself from. That would be compounding her problem, rather than reducing it. As one Aboriginal writer noted in The Manitoban Online, even Native women who had been severely brutalized by family members still felt less safe when police were seen on the reservation."
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Canadian Child Care Policy, 2008.
This paper analyzes the Canadian child care policy from a Marxist perspective.
3,520 words (approx. 14.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, $ 98.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Canada does not provide child care allowing for the full employment of parents and, notably, working mothers who make up a large proportion of adults responsible for maintaining viable households. The author points out that the issues of childcare pertain not only to child poverty but also to matters that indicate the need for a national childcare directive. The paper relates that the 2007 Canadian Universal Child Care Benefit is a step forwards in aiding families with childcare expenses and promoting daycare expansion; however it does not promise practical help for families who are struggling. The author states that more poor Canadian mothers are moving to low income, ghettoized areas, which more often give access to subsidized child care facilities but at a price of exposure to crime and criminality.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Universality as Policy Defect
Who can Afford Childcare?
Assumptions to do with Mothers
'Working Class Child Care'
Observations of Social Welfare Research
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Critics note that Denmark's policy addresses a small territory and a population below 6 millions yet the model of compulsory facilities seems a fine starting place for what might occur in the Canadian provinces to follow the example of Quebec. In general, one wishes effort was made to explore examples around the world and the costs and benefits of programs encouraging the rise of daycare facilities, programs to make care affordable and all manner of bridges to help unemployed or low income parents to achieve both needed daycare and employment, along with affordable housing, towards a more constructive solution to socioeconomic problems than what is now seen in Canada."
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Local Mitigation Strategy for St. Lucie, 2008.
A strategy set up to ensure the least amount of distress to citizens in the wake of a "disaster".
1,147 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 39.95
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Abstract
This paper describes the local mitigation strategy set up in St. Lucie County 1998 after the devastation to the area from hurricanes Jeanne and Frances. The paper discusses the three entities that work together to address issues that adversely affect the citizens of the area and provide methods that ensure that the least amount of "impact" is realized following a "man-made or natural hazard". The author concludes that the communication plans for public policy programs follow one specific format in general, the creation of a central authority that oversees the program and that considers the needs of all stakeholders.
Outline:
Local Mitigation Strategy for St. Lucie County
Wage Labor Policy
Minority, Women, and Disadvantaged Business Enterprise
Head Start in Nevada
Evaluate the Roles of Elected and Appointed Officials
Evaluate How Competing Interests Were Balanced and Tradeoffs Made
Conclusion
From the Paper
"St. Lucie County developed a local mitigation strategy in 1998 after the devastation to the area from hurricanes Jeanne and Frances ("Local", n.d., para. 1). The local mitigation strategy is comprised of "three municipalities within the County, the local business community, and non-profit organizations" ("Local", n.d., para. 1). These entities work together to address issues that adversely affect the citizenry of the area and provide methods that ensure that the least amount of "impact" is realized following a "manmade or natural hazard" ("Local", n.d., para. 2).
"The local mitigation strategy calls for a steering committee that works to alleviate concerns that have previously been felt by the community in other situations. The committee develops a list of issues that have priority for the community and that are the first to receive federal funding, should a hazard occur. The communications between the three primary groups that oversee the needs of the community stakeholders are then addressed through the existence of the steering committee, which acts on their behalf in situations related to community concern."
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Aviation Security, 2007.
This paper uses content analysis to examine the issue of aviation security following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.
2,165 words (approx. 8.7 pages), 7 sources, APA, $ 67.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, using content analysis to test the hypothesis surrounding aviation security, two press releases from the Government Accountability Office website were examined for common terms and references to aviation security measures. The author points out that this methodology focused on how the communications referred to aviation security and how frequently mention was made of changes in specific responses to the September 11 attacks. The author relates that this analysis identified that aviation security was breached due to inherent flaws in the system. The paper states that content analysis revealed that the current decentralized system with different parties responsible for various elements of aviation security is not optimal. The author stresses that terrorism is seen as unethical and politically illegitimate because its political aim is to kill the innocent. The paper includes a table and a graph.
Table of Contents
Introduction: Scope of the Study and the Uses of Content Analysis
Weaknesses of the Aviation Security: Using Content Analysis to Identify Trends
Aviation Security Current Position and Challenges Ahead: Content Analysis as a Prediction Mechanism
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) lax security measures, that had individuals who did not undergo background checks accessing and breaching the security of the air traffic control computer systems. Dillingham also identified that the FAA did not assess and accredit the air traffic control computer systems, perform the appropriate risk assessments to ensure that the computer system that was central to the aviation system was protected, nor did the FAA establish and implement any comprehensive security program."
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Homosexuals in the Military, 2008.
This paper discusses homosexuals in the military and looks at the United States Constitution as it relates to this issue.
803 words (approx. 3.2 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 28.95
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Abstract
In this article the writer eplains that "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" (DADT) is a military policy where gay, lesbian and bisexual members are required to keep their sexual orientation private and not engage in any sexual activities or conduct that would purport a homosexual lifestyle. This paper analyzes how this policy has failed to integrate homosexuals in the armed forces and has instead exacerbated the issues surrounding the gay ban in the US armed forces. The writer maintains that the DADT, irrespective of whether it had good intentions, has failed. The writer concludes that there is a need for changes in the United States Constitution if gays, lesbians, bisexuals, or transgender are to be integrated in the armed forces, since Congress has the power to deny individuals these rights.
Outline:
Introduction
A Brief History: Don't Ask, Don't Tell, Don't Pursue, Don't Harass
The Failure of the DADT Policy
From the Paper
"The United States is considered one of the most economically advanced countries in the free world; however, they are lagging when it comes to changing policies that stand to benefit the overall economy. As stated by Belkin, increasing amounts of countries are allowing gays and lesbians to serve in the armed forces. Belkin shows that Australia, Canada, Israel, and Britain reversed its gay ban and have transitioned into countries that now have service members that are integrated into the armed forces, irrespective of sexual orientation. Unlike popular anti-gay individuals speculated there was no mass upheavals or unstable periods, when the gay ban was reversed, in fact many homosexuals still preferred not to share the fact that they were gay. With the DADT policy in place, it is unlikely that the United States will ever come close to the removal of gay bans in the armed forces as these countries have."
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Public Choice Theory, 2008.
This paper discusses the issue of public choice theory and urban governance.
1,056 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 37.95
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Abstract
In this article the writer explores public choice theory and the argument that public choice theory provides a thoughtful assessment of what needs to be done if urban governments are to become efficacious and expeditious providers of services to their citizens. The paper briefly outlines the general argument presented by advocates of local government and then provides some of the compelling arguments raised by those who feel public choice theory does not offer a stalwart solution to the problems of local governance. In the end, the writer maintains that while it sounds superficially appealing, public choice theory does not have a lot of empirical data to support many of its key claims.
From the Paper
"Additionally, public choice theorists argue that municipal governments, because they are monopoly providers, are inefficient insofar as they have little incentive to lower their prices or be innovative. Public choice theorists thus argue that there needs to be a separation between the demand articulation role of government (the collective process whereby it is ascertained how and how much of something will be set aside for public use) and the supplier role of government. Simply put, when governments have to buy services for something, they tend to be exacting in determining the value given for the monies received. All in all, the public choice theorist cleaves to the view that local governance needs to be run as a business - and that government often falls short in its obligations to the general public because it does not separate the provider role and the production role involved in the delivery of a good or service, thereby creating costly inefficiency and waste."
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Community Policing, 2007.
This paper discuses community policing, which is a program that link the police to the neighborhood citizens in an effort to solve the problems of the area.
3,425 words (approx. 13.7 pages), 14 sources, APA, $ 96.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that community policing has been successful in reducing crime and in improving the relationship between the police and the public. The author points out that bringing the community and the police together changes the traditional image of the police as an occupying force. The paper relates that community policing necessitates a number of organizational changes such as recruitment and education. The author states that this approach calls attention to the degree to which the police are dependent on the public for support, information and cooperation. The paper explains that one way for the police to learn more about the neighborhood is to be residents themselves; therefore, requiring officers to live in the community enhances the community policing effort and adds to the comfort level on both sides.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Effectiveness and Organizational Change
Involvement by Community Policing Institutes
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Relations between the police and the black community have long been tense. In some regions, the police are viewed as an occupying army present not to protect the people but to control them and to keep them in their place. Numerous civil disturbances in recent decades can be traced to tensions between the police and the black community, from the riots of the summer of 1965 to the riot in Los Angeles after the first Rodney King verdict, from the problems in Crown Heights in New York to any number of disputed police shooting incidents in cities across the country."
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Police Policies, 2008.
An overview of various issues concerning different police policies in question and answer form.
2,697 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper addresses a series of five questions proposed that range from police policies on domestic violence to police corruption. The first question concerns domestic violence and the police of mandatory arrest of the accused abuser. A weighing of the benefits and detriments of such a policy are explored. The second question concerns the role of law enforcement in the war on terror. The modern approaches of policing and how they conform to terror prevention are explored. The third question explores the theories of police corruption. Actions are proposed as to how to run a police department devoid of corruption. The forth question concerns the Miami-Dade Employee Identification System and its aim of preventing police abuse. The successes and failures of the system are discussed. The final question concerns the introduction of technology into the modern police department. The pros and cons of such technologies are also explored.
From the Paper
"The policy of community based policing, where the police department reaches out to the local community through increased personal relationships with its members has been a gaining popularity over the past 20 years. (Henderson, Miller, Ortiz, Sugie p.1) Community policing has been proven effective to increase public safety through the strengthened ties between the community and the police department. It is intuitive that the more familiar an officer is with the community that they police, the more likely it is that the community will cooperate with the officer in police matters, and the less likely a misunderstanding will occur. "
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Overcrowding in the ER, 2008.
This paper discusses that overcrowding in the ER causes a negative impact on health care delivery.
1,216 words (approx. 4.9 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 41.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer notes that emergency room overcrowding comprises one of the most crucial issues confronting hospitals all over North America. This problem is so serious that it has attained crisis proportions. The writer maintains that the stress created for patients, ER staff, and the hospital amounts to a vicious circle that has no solution. The writer points out that the scope of the impact of overcrowding in the emergency department becomes clear when it is realized that the emergency department is the only publicly mandated, guaranteed access to healthcare provided for 44 million persons in the United States who lack health insurance. The writer maintains that emergency room overcrowding jeopardizes the quality of patient care and places patients at high risk of treatment delays or inadequate care. The writer concludes that the issue can only be partially and inadequately addressed in the ER itself as the problem is systemic and extends over the entire health care organization, its funding and the way that resources have been distributed.
From the Paper
"Emergency department overcrowding which is combined with heavy emergency resource demand has led to a variety of problems, including ambulance refusals, prolonged patient waiting times, and rushed and unpleasant treatment environments. The most serious outcome involves potentially poor patient outcomes. Inordinate stress on institutional resources and ER overcrowding can jeopardize the hospital's ability to respond to community emergencies and disasters. In addition, physicians and other health care providers often find it difficult to maintain their work effectiveness under such strained conditions. Scarce resource and overcrowding tend to reduce professional effectiveness and job satisfaction among ER staff. Overcrowding increases the likelihood of medical errors as well as possibility of patients leaving prior to receiving essential treatment. At the same time, overcrowded conditions and scarcity of resources are not uniform across all emergency departments because varying sets of limiting factors are at work."
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