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Confederate Flag Controversy, 2008.
A discussion regarding free speech and the controversial symbol of the Confederate flag.
780 words (approx. 3.1 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 27.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the issue of the display of the Confederate flag, an intermittent source of debate in the US for many years. The paper takes a particular look at one case in the late 1990s when controversy over the display of the flag on top of the South Carolina State House in Columbia led to a nationwide boycott instigated by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) against the state. The paper then makes the argument that individuals ought to be allowed to wear or display symbols containing the Confederate flag motif as a simple matter of their free speech rights, both on and off school campuses, or in any other venue.
From the Paper
"In 2006, the Southern Legal Resource Center, a nonprofit civil rights group, filed suit to permit several students at a high school in Knoxville, Tennessee to wear Confederate flag images on clothing. Racial tensions at the school nearly resulted in violent altercations at one point, resulting in a temporary lockdown. The students involved in the suit complained that black students were permitted to wear images of Malcolm X and related symbols without undergoing the same restrictions as the white students, thus raising the familiar argument of the double standard (Watson.) The Southern Legal Resource Center, which focuses on such cases, is also involved in a similar case in Texas, where several students at a high school near Dallas sued for the right to carry purses with the Confederate flag symbol on them, after they had been banned by administration officials. It seem clear that the dispute between administration policies and student rights is a heated one, and has implications beyond that of one particular symbol which some may find offensive. If students are in fact to be prepared for assuming the full rights and responsibilities of adulthood, as has often been argued, it seems reasonable to respect their rights on such a seemingly trivial matter."
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Carl Sagan on Abortion, 2008.
A critical article review of "Abortion: Is it Possible to be Both Pro-Life and Pro-Choice?" by Carl Sagan.
1,390 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper provides a critical look at Carl Sagan's article "Abortion: Is it Possible to be Both Pro-Life and Pro-Choice?", which provides both sides of the religious and scientific arguments that are currently part of the abortion issue in American society. The paper points out that Sagan provides a two-fold analysis of the science and theological definitions of life and how this acts within the social conflict between pro-life and pro-choice factions in their differing objectives for legislation on abortion. The paper also points out that Sagan seeks to promote the importance of why compromise and balance between these two factions are important in American society and for the creation of legislation on this issue. The paper concludes that, although Sagan provides a mastery of the scientific facts that are part of modern research of life in the womb, he is decidedly biased in his reliance on science.
Outline:
Summary
Discussion and Analysis
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The central issue for Carl Sagan is understanding the debate between the religious (pro-life) and the secular scientific (pro--choice) factions that currently debate the issue of abortion. Sagan argues for the issue of pro-life arguments that determine that the life in the womb is 'alive' at first conception, which Sagan refutes by imposing a more scientific point of view that life is not an issue related to conception, but that there is a longer history for human life since the beginning of the Earth, nearly 4.6 billion year ago (201). Yet with science, the clarity of these issues do not always refer a more valid sense of where and how life is determined within religious values. For pro-lifers in the American Christian culture, the idea of conception takes on a human characteristic that must also be taken into account due to missing details of current incomplete scientific evidence that equally philosophize on the nature of life."
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Censorship of Children's Books, 2008.
This paper discusses the issue of the censorship of books for children, focusing on Susan Patron's book, "The Higher Power of Lucy".
1,938 words (approx. 7.8 pages), 9 sources, MLA, $ 61.95
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Abstract
The focus of this paper is to discuss the censorship of a Newberry Medal children's book, "The Highest Power of Lucky," by Susan Patron. More specifically, the writer questions whether the word "scrotum" should cause a Newberry Medal children's book to be banned from libraries. The writer also discusses whether librarians have the right to ban a book because it has a word or phrase that relates to sex. The writer maintains that the censorship of books is wrong, especially when the book is being banned due to one word or phrase.
Outline:
Looking at the Book, "The Highest Power of Lucy"
Why the Author Used the Word
Censoring Children's Books
Censorship Creating Problems with Educational Staff
The Problems with Censorship
From the Paper
"Only at the end of the book does Lucky trust her guardian to ask the meaning of the word. Lucky is similar to many students today who have single parents in their lives. Lucky can also be compared to many latchkey children who fend for themselves while their parents are at work. Many of these children learn words and actions that are not appropriate, but it is a part of their every day life. Reading about Lucky will not reveal words that these children know anyway."
"When deciding to ban a book, the librarian should consider the purpose of the book. Why has the author created this book? What is the main purpose of the book? These questions should be considered before deciding whether the book is inappropriate. The themes of the book center on Lucky becoming a grown-up who needs to learn about language and body parts. If Lucky does not learn the meaning of words from her guardian, then more than likely she will learn about different words from her peers. Children will learn the definitions to different words whether they do it through parents, friends, or peers. Would it be better to learn different words from parents or peers?"
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Dalton McGuinty, 2008.
A discussion of Dalton McGuinty, premier of Ontario, and his policy.
1,020 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 36.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the position that the premier of Ontario, Dalton McGuinty, holds in the political fabric of Ontario as well as within the national political structure. The paper points out that McGuinty has been premier since 2003 and is largely considered to be a moderate fiscal conservative, although he is a political liberal in most other respects. It holds that one of his top priorities upon becoming premier was to attract further international investment into the province as a way to spur economic growth. The paper also points out that another chief objective of McGuinty's leadership has been a balanced budget by 2009. Additionally, the paper notes that McGuinty's politically liberal positions include support of abortion rights for women and unequivocal support for same sex couples, which led to the passage of legislation in Ontario that ensured legal status for such couples. Lastly, the paper addresses the McGuinty administration's focus on the "MoveOntario" project, which targeted a $1.2 billion investment in provincial transportation infrastructure.
Outline:
Overview
Provincial Jurisdiction
Responsibilities Outcome
Municipal Amalgamation
From the Paper
"The concept of provincial jurisdiction in Ontario was considerably undermined by the Harris Tory government that preceded McGuinty's government. The Tory government began passing in the mid and late 1990s a series of laws which removed substantial powers of jurisdiction from the local municipalities and placed them largely within the jurisprudence of provincial control. Provincial jurisdiction over municipalities was first undermined by the Schedule M within the Savings and Restructuring Act in 1997 which gave the province's minister of municipal affairs the authority to designate a commissioner who could actually restructure municipalities if they could not agree to boundaries or other issues among themselves. This law removed the entire process of municipal compromise from the municipalities themselves and awarded it to the provincial authorities."
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Implementing Diversity Training, 2008.
A discussion of effective ways to implement diversity training in the workplace.
1,400 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 4 sources, APA, $ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper proposes possible ways of implementing diversity training. Firstly, it maintains that non-confrontational techniques are considered the best way to approach training. The paper suggests that it is better for a facilitator to lead the group and promote constructive action and talking, and then follow the group's ideas, rather than to have an expert drive a course where no interaction is allowed. The paper also suggests that practical, real-world examples be used in training, as theory-based or academic teaching can be staid and uninvolving. In role playing activities, the paper suggests using positive examples rather than negatives ones as a guide for future behavior. The paper further asserts that the group should be unified as one rather than polarized, which is best achieved by a participant-centered approach to learning rather than an expert-centered approach to learning. In its conclusion, the paper stresses the importance of regular evaluative reports on the overall success of the diversity training program - including opportunities for employee input - on a monthly basis or less often if the program is going well.
From the Paper
"A good way of keeping employees engaged during the training is by making homework mandatory. This may seem a little like forcing an unwilling child to do homework, but training sessions should be inclusive and interesting enough to make this form of homework informative. The employees should remember that their homework is to contribute to the happiness of their work environment. It is also a forum through which the employees can offer their opinion - a right which is often a problem in diversity-challenged workplaces to begin with. Employees should be encouraged to give their input throughout the diversity training, but they should also be encouraged to be positive and refrain from blaming or shaming individuals (ibid). Whilst diversity training is implemented to correct past problems, its goal should be to look to the future. The goal is for employees to be unified, not divided."
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Global Warming and Canada, 2008.
An analysis of the environmental and political effects of global warming in Canada.
1,270 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 43.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at global warming and its impact, both climactically and politically, upon Canada. In particular, the paper asserts that global warming has impacted Canada's environment in a tangible way and has also transformed Canadian politics - perhaps not for the better. Additionally, the paper examines how global warming is impacting vulnerable wildlife species and aboriginal or native societies in various regions of Canada. Furthermore, the paper looks at global warming's effects upon Canadian politics, with special attention devoted to the charged rhetoric surrounding the issue. The paper concludes that global warming is sharpening the ideological and political divide between those Canadians who believe something drastic needs to be done and those who do not feel so inclined.
From the Paper
"The more temperate Northern Canadian climate also has serious implications for ultraviolet B exposure in Canadian inland waters. Although one recent study suggests that "dissolved organic matter-mediated ultraviolet B exposure" is not a serious problem for those Canadian inland waters that were examined, the same report also found that "optically clear" and at-risk ponds were much more common (perhaps even surprisingly common) in the artic eco-zones - particularly in the Northern artic and in the artic cordillera (Molot et al, 2511-2512). To sum up this entire section, Canada's climate is changing in ways that put many aquatic and terrestrial species in harm's way."
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Canadian Black Immigrants and Inequality, 2008.
This paper discusses black immigrants, Canadian immigration policy
and the related inequality.
1,976 words (approx. 7.9 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 62.95
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Abstract
In this article the writer discusses that the patterns of immigration by blacks, and especially black women, over this century demonstrate discriminatory and preventive measures by the Canadian government. The paper relates that this pattern is best understood through the structural functional perspective because immigration policy is designed to ensure that Canadian society is of a certain type. The writer explains that the Canadian government permits certain quotas of immigrants into the country at specific times for labor needs. However, it also carefully controls immigration and prevents family formation. This paper argues that the intention of the Canadian government is and always has been to ensure that blacks and people of color would never be a dominant group and have access to power in the country.
From the Paper
"Immigration policy provided a means to cope with labour shortages while it also defined what is meant by a suitable permanent citizen. That definition was determined by race, ethnicity, class, and also by gender. Black women from the Caribbean were in the worst position. Black workers received half the pay for performing the same work as whites. For domestic workers, conditions went beyond discrimination since they had to endure intolerable conditions of no free time, unpaid overtime, and had to live in. The live-in requirement guaranteed that the women could not form families."
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Same-Sex Marriage and Artificial Insemination, 2008.
This paper argues against same-sex marriage and the related issue of artificial insemination.
2,075 words (approx. 8.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 65.95
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Abstract
In this article the writer looks at same-sex marriage and at the artificial insemination of lesbians with an eye towards asserting that both are offensive on religious, moral, and sociological grounds. The paper first points out that the Holy Scriptures provide a number of compelling justifications for the elevation of heterosexual marriage. Proceeding further, the writer argues that there are moral reasons why artificial insemination (and gay marriages involving children) are unacceptable. Finally, the writer maintains that there is sufficient evidence decrying the effects of households headed by homosexual couples upon children for our society to re-examine its glib acceptance of the idea that homosexual couples (perhaps couples inseminated by artificial means) should automatically be given carte blanche to be parents.
From the Paper
"The reasons why homosexual union appears to be frowned upon by the Church ties into the notion of complementarity; that is to say, pairs of men and pairs of women cannot conceive children via natural means. In short, the procreative process, at least if it involves natural means, is only possible if one man and one woman are involved. As May understands the matter, natural fertility is a blessing of God and demands the active participation of both genders. More than that, the ability to have progeny invests in human couples the creative power that would otherwise be limited to God alone; thus, the natural process of mating is an act that should not be trifled with inasmuch as man and woman - in their natural states as God designed them - have been rendered in God's image, or at least man has been rendered in God's image and have been given the responsibility of carrying out a procreative act sanctioned by the Almighty. Clearly, man and woman have been designed the way they have for a reason, and it would be unwise to alter this complementary state by allowing lesbians to become pregnant via artificial insemination."
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Inequality and Immigration, 2008.
A discussion of the ways that inequality can be seen in immigration in Canada.
2,289 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 70.95
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Abstract
This paper argue that inequality today can be seen represented primarily in immigration, that has been exploited for the purposes of the elite of society. The paper provides a theoretical exploration of inequality and then explores how inequality manifests itself in terms of immigration in Canada. It demonstrates how this manifestation of inequality serves the purposes of the powerful, usually leaders of business and various industries, in Canadian society as a means of controlling and dividing the labor market.
From the Paper
"This insight is important, as it allows us to understand the critical importance of vulnerability in the role of the immigrants in western economies. From this point of view, it is of critical importance that immigrants are both politically and economically vulnerable and dependent, for this ensures the docility of the immigrant labor force, as well as its potential to be used against indigenous labour in countries such as Canada. Through this process of "divide and rule" business interests influence the direction of government policies in areas such as the recognition of academic qualifications from non-Western sources. By the denial of recognition of these qualifications, business leaders ensure that the immigrant work force will remain docile and vulnerable to the influence of business for as long as possible. While we may acknowledge that immigrant entrepreneurs often succeed despite these barriers, this success does not deny the reality of the barriers themselves, and how they are used to foster inequality and the vulnerability of the immigrant work force in countries such as Canada."
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Abortion and Rights, 2008.
A critique of George and Sheila Grant's 1986 article, "Abortion and Rights."
1,532 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 50.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the logical fallacies in George and Sheila Grant's 1986 article, "Abortion and Rights". Particularly, the paper looks at the Grants' use of a faulty premise, their use of ad hominem arguments and their appeals to the reader's sympathy, their use of the "slippery slope" argument and their use of appeals to antiquity and to authority.
In the end, the paper argues that these logical shortcomings diminish the force of their arguments even in the eyes of readers who are inclined to share their position.
From the Paper
"To begin with, it may be said - even though this writer is sympathetic to the argument presented in many ways - that they (the Grants) are guilty of producing a faulty (or at least highly dubious) premise in one of the central arguments of her paper. For instance, when discussing the controversial 1973 Supreme Court decision, Roe v. Wade, the Grants state that the High Court chose to resolve the case on the basis of individuals having inalienable rights within a democratic society. But, in settling the case in the manner it did, the Court essentially concluded that the mother has all of the rights and the fetus has no rights at all. As George and Sheila Grant argue, by negating the rights of the fetus - by making it non-existent - the Court is stating that the fetus has no right to continued existence. At this juncture, the authors become guilty of injecting their faulty premise into the proceedings. Specifically, they assert that, since the fetus is the same species as the mother, the fundamental question becomes the following: what is it about the mother (or any person) that makes it appropriate for her to have any rights herself (118)? The question is a faulty one inasmuch as there is no acknowledgement of the possibility that the fetus is not really "human" at all; in other words, if it cannot live independently outside the womb, if its basic organs are not sufficiently developed to allow it to live in the same environment that humans live in, and if it cannot "think" or excogitate in the way that human beings can, then perhaps the fetus is (as feminists often state) merely a bundle of cells. Naturally enough, if the fetus can be differentiated from the human family, then it can also be differentiated from the mother; to wit, just because a fetus does not have certain inalienable rights does not mean that the mother should not have certain inalienable rights. On this basis, the couple predicates their argument upon a premise that may very well not stand up to scrutiny. As an addendum, it could be argued that they commit a formal fallacy inasmuch as they compose a deductive argument - humans have rights; fetuses are human; therefore, fetuses must have rights - that is (maybe) probable, but certainly not "air-tight" because there is too much uncertainty over whether or not fetuses (at least in the early stages of pregnancy) really are human.
At the same time, a case can be made that the Grants commit the logical sins of engaging in ad hominem and "appeal to pity" arguments that do not server their paper well. For example, the ad hominem argument takes place - at least in the view of this writer - when the authors write about how history is riddled with terrible examples of persecution carried out by regimes that have decided to leave entire groups of people outside the scope of human rights. As they put it, "Mass murder comes when we forget what a human being is, and begin to regard people as accidental conglomerations of matter" (Grant & Grant, 119). Leaving aside the earlier doubts about the veracity of claiming that fetuses are human, the argument is compromised by the fact that the couple is implicitly associating those who have abortions (or those who carry them out) with mass-murderers who have exterminated (or tried to exterminate) whole classes of people. In this sense, they are launching an ad hominem attack of sorts insofar as they are focusing upon their adversaries and their perceived moral deficiencies and not upon the validity of their arguments."
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Helen Longino's "Pornography, Oppression and Freedom", 2008.
This paper rejects Helen Longino's position on pornography as presented in her work, "Pornography, Oppression and Freedom: A Closer Look".
1,235 words (approx. 4.9 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 42.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Helen Longino argues in her article "Pornography, Oppression and Freedom: A Closer Look" that pornography by its nature is harmful to women and should be controlled and eliminated. The author maintains that Longino bases this position on tenuous distinctions between pornography and erotica and on the liberal use of universal claims about the effect that pornography has on women and their place in society. The paper contends that, despite her superficially well-reasoned article, a closer examination of Longino's claims and analysis reveals problems that undermine her argument. The paper then asserts that pornography cannot be considered necessarily and categorically harmful to women. The paper concludes that the marginal harm that pornography might cause in isolated incidents is not great enough to justify banning pornography and restricting this form of sexual expression.
From the Paper
"Longino argues that these harms are cause enough to invoke laws and regulations that would limit freedom of expression and sexual expression. But are these harms entirely plausible? Is the potential for these harms to be realized justification enough to ban pornography. F.M. Christensen would say no, that efforts to ban pornography through limitations on freedoms--especially freedom of expression--is reprehensible and much more harmful to society than the potential ills of pornography. On this point, I agree with Christensen."
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The Sunni and Shiite Conflict, 2008.
This paper examines the ongoing conflict between the Sunni and Shiite branches of Islam.
3,323 words (approx. 13.3 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 94.95
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Abstract
The paper explores the beginnings of the conflict between the Sunni and Shiite factions of Islam and explains their ideological differences. The paper focuses on the twentieth century and why the Islamic conflict continues. The paper discusses how concessions to the Islamists will not work because wiping out the West is part of their agenda. The paper points out, however, that a better understanding of this conflict among Westerners can only yield positive results by clarifying how our interests lay with the Muslims who do not answer the Islamist call to battle.
Table of Contents:
Outline
Beginnings
The Schism
The Contemporary Sunni-Shiite Divide
Conclusion
From the Paper
"This essay will examine the ongoing conflict between the two principle branches of Islam: Sunni and Shiite. This is a relevant, even critical topic for anyone interested in today's world events. The current War on Terror and the struggles between Palestinians and the Israelis make understanding the acrimony between Sunni and Shiite Muslims necessary. The secular, Christian West remained generally ignorant of Islam until September 11, 2001, when members of Islam's radical fringe besmirched their faith in the eyes of the world through an amazing act of terrorism."
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